Friday, January 21, 2011

Corporate Debacles

Veer Sanghvi, a suave and swanky newspaper editor, whose weekly column “Counterpoint” in The Hindustan Times was one of the most read. Barkha Dutt, a poster child of the new breed of Indian journalism, whose television reporting during the Kargil War earned her many plaudits. As the Indian economy moved into a higher growth path post-1991 economic reforms, so did the clout of these journalists.

With easy access to both political leaders and corporate honchos, their news reporting made headlines and often changed the political and business landscapes.

The reputation of Sanghvi and Dutt, however, came under heavy scrutiny last month due to their active involvement with Nira Radia, a public relations (PR) face of multinational companies such as Tata and Reliance. Radia was actively lobbying, with the help of these two journalists, to make A. Raja telecom minister in the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government. Radia wanted to ensure that with Raja at the helm of the Telecom Ministry, her clients would get favours during the licensing of the second generation (2G) mobile spectrum in India.

And she was successful in her mission. A. Raja, after becoming telecom minister, gave out 2G licenses without adopting proper auction procedures to maximize Indian government revenue. Radia’s client Tata Telecom was one of the key beneficiaries of that decision. As a result, according to Indian media reports, the Indian public may have lost as much as US$ 40 billion during the issue of 2G licenses.

Radia-gate has tarnished the image of not only Sanghvi and Dutt, but to some extent also that of Ratan Tata. Once a venerated figure not only in the Indian corporate world but all over the globe, Radia-gate has put a huge dent in his legacy. It’s not that business tycoons have not used (or misused) political connections for business dealings or special interests. It’s done all over the world; and in the Western world, they have a fancy name for it called “lobbying”. Before the 1991 economic reforms in India, the late Dhirubhai Ambani made his early fortunes during the License Raj era largely due to his close connections with political leaders.

However, in this particular episode, popularly known as Radia-gate, the extent of the corporatization of political decision making is alarming. It shows how, overriding the larger national interest, companies such as Tata were, and maybe still are, able to influence cabinet choices and consequently policy decisions.

Back home, recently, the Commission for Investigation for Abuse of Authority (CIAA), raided the factory of Dabur Nepal and found that this multinational company was involved in tampering with the manufacturing date of one of its popular products to dupe its customers and increase its bottom line. Prior to this incident, this company was in the news because of the inferior quality of that same product. However, at that time, the company, aided by influential decision makers, dismissed those allegations as fabrication on the part of some media houses. In fact, the company went on a new marketing campaign to dispel these rumours. This time, the truth is there for everyone to see.

Pursuing profit and stockholders’ wealth maximization, companies such as Tata and Dabur have ignored the societal aspect of their business. In the short run, they were able to increase their profits. However, in the long run, the fallout from this kind of activities will be far reaching. In case of both Tata and Dabur Nepal, the true losers from their malpractices have been the general public, those who are clients as well as prospective clients of these companies.

There are a few important take-aways from these corporate debacles. First, corporations should not just blindly follow profit and stockholders’ wealth maximization and ignore other stakeholders in their business. Although any well known textbook in corporate finance teaches everyone that a firm’s objective should be profit or stockholder maximization, instances like these underscore that maybe it’s time for firms to pursue stakeholder — anyone from employees to customers—maximization. Manage-ment thinkers have also started arguing that the premise of stockholders’ wealth maximization is a flawed one.

In one of the recent issues of the Harvard Business Review (HBR), Roger Martin, dean of the University of Toronto’s Rotman School of Management, argued that firms should focus on maximizing customer satisfaction instead of shareholders’ value.

Second, which is closely related to the first, corporations should not indulge in anything that will alienate the general public. As a former regular consumer of Real Juice, I feel cheated and I have friends and families who feel the same. Dabur will need to do a lot of convincing to regain mine, and others’, trust.

First published in the Kathmandu Post on Jan 10, 2011
Permanent Link: http://www.ekantipur.com/the-kathmandu-post/2011/01/09/money/corporate-debacles/217063/

Wednesday, January 5, 2011

usual uncertainities

If 2009 was the year of "New Normal", then 2010 has to be the year of "unusually uncertain"—a phrase aptly used to describe the state of global economic recovery by Ben Bernanke, chairman of the US Federal Reserve, during the Jackson Hole symposium in August. After teetering on the edge of collapse in late 2008, the global economy managed to survive and even grow, albeit at a slower pace, in 2009. That recovery, from the brink of collapse, was largely due to massive fiscal stimulus and coordinated quantitative easing in US and other developed economies. Although these policy measures helped to resuscitate the global economy in 2009, structural problems existed in both the US (such as high unemployment) and European countries (high government deficit).

These structural problems came back to haunt in 2010, especially in Europe, causing major ripples throughout the global financial market. The sovereign debt crisis amongst Portugal, Ireland, Greece and Spain (so called "PIGS") has created major havoc in Europe and questioned the long run viability of the Euro. There are rumours that Germany, dissatisfied with the level of profligacy of some of its fellow Euro members, might abandon the Euro and revert back to the Deutsche Mark. In the US, disenchanted with Barack Obama's economic policies and his government's inability to tackle high unemployment, the American voters voted against the Democratic Party in the recently-held midterm elections.

While the global economy has grown at a higher rate in 2010, compared to 2009, and will grow at even higher rates in 2011, this global economic growth is increasingly supported by higher economic growth in China and India. Finally, it appears that the much-talked about "decoupling theory of emerging markets" is actually happening. Going forward in 2011 and later, much of global growth will be derived from China, India

and other emerging markets. As such, the global economic landscape will witness slow but inevitable paradigm shift where the likes of China and India will have major economic, and consequently, geopolitical clout.

While our neighbouring economies prosper, the Nepali economy continues to be stymied by political impasse. In a country where the most important annual economic policy declaration can get delayed for four months, one can imagine the fate of other policy announcements and the subsequent policy vacuum. Consequently, like the last few years, the Nepali economy managed to meander along in 2010 although there were few significant hiccups in between.

The external sector stability was threatened when the balance of payment (BOP) deficit reached approximately Rs. 24 billion during mid-March. Although the deficit figure came down substantially during the middle of the year, there are enough structural problems in the economy which could again threaten our external sector stability. These structural problems make Nepali exports uncompetitive in the international market, increase our reliance on imported goods and subsequently widen our trade deficit. Although the BOP crisis was, to a certain extent, due to huge gold imports to take advantage from arbitrage opportunity created by tariff differential between Nepal and India, it has been an eye opener for policymakers to address Nepal's ever-widening trade deficit.

For a long time, remittance inflow was able to even out trade deficit and maintain some

semblance of external sector stability. However, depending on remittance inflow to compensate for trade deficit is not a viable solution in the long run. According to recently-released World Bank statistics, Nepal already ranks as the fifth-highest remittance receiving country in the world (this ranking is based on remittance share in the country's total GDP). And, going by the continuous exodus of Nepali youth overseas, remittance inflow will continue to grow for a long time. But, remittance inflow, according to empirical works in economics, doesn't lead to long run economic prosperity, as remittance predominantly gets channelled into consumption-related purposes. Given Nepal's shrinking manufacturing base, it's no surprise then the surge in remittance has coincided with a surge in imports. Higher remittance has increased the consumption level of remittance beneficiaries and, given the lack of domestic production, has increased imports.

Moving forward, policymakers need to recognise this disconnect and figure out ways to effectively channel remittance into productive sectors. The concept of "Foreign Employment Bond", which is widely known in development literature as "Diaspora Bond", was a welcome step. But given the narrow list of target countries, as well as other factors, the initial bond issuance only generated a few buyers. In the recent budget, the government has decided to continue issuing such bonds, and hopefully, with lessons from the initial issuance, policymakers will widen the list of target countries and carry out effective marketing campaigns to generate wider interests. In 2011 and beyond, the onus lies with the government to reorient our remittance dependent economy.

To address the trade deficit problem, in the short run, the government needs to introduce import substitution programmes. However, in the long run, the focus should be on export promotion to tap into potential demand from burgeoning economies in the neighbourhood. There are areas where Nepali goods have a comparative advantage; however, to kick start that export-led growth, basic infrastructure (such as decent road connectivity and uninterrupted power supply) needs to be in place. Nepal has a fixed exchange rate system with India which, to some extent, helps participants in foreign trade as they don't have to bear extra costs associated with adverse exchange rate movements. However, in the case of Nepal, the current peg of the Nepali Rupee with the Indian Rupee is making our exports less competitive in the international markets. Moving forward, policymakers need to revaluate the level of peg.

In the international press, there are comparisons between the economy of China and India almost every day. China started its economic reforms in the late 1970s, while India started during the early 1990s. As a result, both are reaping tremendous economic benefits out of it. It's not that there have not been any efforts to push economic reforms forward in Nepal; post the restoration of democracy in the early 1990s, there were signifi-

cant economic reforms. However, while India and China were, and still are, able to supplement those economic reforms with political stability and coherent policies, we have failed to provide either. The recent political wrangling over the budget's announcement is one of many such examples. In 2011 and beyond, the onus lies with both the government to bridge that policy vacuum and uncertainty. While others complain about "unusual uncertainty", in 2011 and beyond, we have to end our "usual uncertainties".

First published in the Kathmandu Post on 1st Jan 2011
Permanent Link: http://www.ekantipur.com/the-kathmandu-post/2010/12/31/features/usual-uncertainties/216708/